Dilemma’s And Problems Of The Turkish Elderly With Respect To Care In The Netherlands
Introduction
The number of the foreign elderly in the Netherlands increases and the demographical meaning of this population will increase in the coming years further. In the Netherlands persons of 55 years are counted and older to the elderly. Turks, Moroccans, Surinamers and Antilleans belong to the so-called non-westerns immigrants. The Surinamese elderly are the largest group, followed by the Turks and Moroccans. The Antillean elderly are the smallest group. The Turkish, Moroccan, Surinamese and Antilleans elderly form together 78% of the non-westerns foreign elderly. The composition of the group remaining non-westerns immigrants is very several.
The total group the non-westerns foreign elderly amounts to 2.9% of the total elderly population. This way examined the group the foreign elderly can become as this way small to experience that she is not relevant for the policy. However it is important really this of evaluating group and two reasons (1) the number of the foreign elderly will increase strongly in the close future and (2) the share of immigrants in the elderly population is in the large cities now already much larger than the 2.9% just called.
In 2015, the number of the foreign elderly between the two up to three times will be as large as now. Also the share of immigrants in the elderly population will increase. More than 40% of the non-westerns immigrants of 45 years and older are resident in the four large cities ( Amsterdam , Rotterdam , The Hague and Utrecht ). This percentage is something lower for the Turks, the Antilleans and the remaining non-westerns immigrants, but higher for the Moroccans and the Surinamers. It should clear be that the share of the non-westerns immigrants in the elderly population in the four large cities is considerably higher than the nationwide average.
Such as said, after Surinamers, the second large group forms the Turkish elderly within the non-westerns immigrants. The absolute number of the Turkish elderly is at this moment at 26.000. This figure in the year of 2015 will increase up to 46,000.
The increase of the foreign elderly in general and the Turkish elderly in particular have clear consequences on care supplies. The relation between the foreign elderly and the supply offer in the care sector can be described as a vicious circle of reciprocal unfamiliarity? The elderly do not appeal almost to supplies because they do not know that and institutions have no offer for the foreign elderly because that do not appeal to these supplies. This picture will change in the close future. The government and care institutions are aware of this fact and let investigations conduct concerning the social situation of the foreign elderly, especially their wishes and needs in the field of care.
I lead myself as a research worker a pair research projects and needs and wishes of the Turkish and Moroccan (Muslims) elderly have carried out mapped. On the basis of my own researches I will discuss below a five fundamental dilemmas of the Turkish elderly. Thereby I will refer also to other researches where that necessary is. The core of my message is that the government and care institutions must take into account these dilemmas to deliver an appropriate policy and care supplies.
2. Social situation and position of the Turkish elderly
2.1. Dilemma between origin and future
The elderly from ethnic groups has do with a number specific asks, dilemmas and problems. Most important of it the question is where one old will become: in the Netherlands or in the country of origin. The answer on this is contributory for the expectations which one has with respect to the social surroundings and for the degree in which one orients oneself on a future in the Netherlands and a picture forms himself of living as older here.
Most of Turkish the elderly has then come to the Netherlands with the idea that their stay would be temporary. Also the Dutch society went from that of. This idea has stood their social participation of this group for a long time in the way. One remained - presence or absence of welcome - a guest. Still but briefly it is realised that it concerns with very large probability however a definite stay. Must be now set out a new course. The elderly come for the choice stand where they want spend their old day. That choice bursts out for the Netherlands , then they their expectations and must define need for care in terms of what here possible and conceivable is. Because there is talk of knowledge - and information delay must at the elderly the practical Dutch which expects of them, partly still is acquired.
How do the Turkish elderly stand now compared with the idea of return? Do they want spend their old day in the Netherlands or in the country of origin? They have had return many years' as an ideal. How does the practice lie now?
According to research (ISEO/SCP, 1998) the Turkish elderly have been strongly divided concerning the return wishes - and possibilities. Approximately 40 per cent does not want return, whereas just as large group wants the elderly return. Almost 20 per cent of the Turkish elderly which has a return wish sees to this end also possibilities. Just as large group of the elderly sees no possibilities. Approximately 20 per cent the elderly don’t know at this moment or they do not want return or not.
The Turkish elderly invoke a number of arguments which plays a role at their considerations. Both at women and at men the children form the most important factor which plays a heavy role in their considerations. The general rule is that the place where the children are resident is determinative for the choice which one makes. If the children in Turkey live then want the elderly return and somewhere in their neighbourhood to live. In the reversed case they want remain rather in the Netherlands . Certainly when their children who live in the Netherlands not yet independent are, is that an extra reason to remain.
The children are important at answering the question "yes or no return?", but they do not form the only factor. Another important given that during the group conversations regularly came up for discussion, is the lack of care supplies in Turkey . Especially the health care in Turkey has been organised badly and poor. That is of the reasons not returning. A part of the group the elderly indicated that they will return immediately if this problem has been solved. Especially the elderly whom are sick and have a WAO (incapacity benefit), consider this as a large obstacle to their return.
Unclear questions in the Remigration Act and bureaucratic obstacles form another factor concerning remigration plans. According to one older one is obscurity concerning health insurance fund within the framework of Remigration Scheme a obstacle to remigration not proceed. At this moment one gets for that a fixed amount. Everyone must regulate its Health Insurance in Turkey himself. The problem is that one must dovetail oneself in Turkey private insurance companies. These companies charge a higher becoming premium with increasing the age.
Another one wonders itself how he its housing must regulate if he has spite of its remigration and within the year to the Netherlands wants return. According to already the earlier-mentioned Remigration Scheme repatriates have an option during a year. If one is not establish oneself within a year in successful there definitively in Turkey , one can return to the Netherlands .
From all these tales appear that one has fear, at remigration, rights acquired get rid of.
Concerning the question of socio-cultural adaptation the group the elderly had been divided. A group said him absolutely no have on effort to have been appropriate to living in Turkey if one returns. On the contrary, this group experiences more effort with adapts to the situation in the Netherlands . Observation mentioned below of an older one is of this an example. “I am as from 1973 here. I have lived approximately 27 years in the Netherlands . But I have still the feeling which I have myself not adapted and also do not belong to this society. I have here children but they are independent. I want go within the framework of the Remigration Scheme to Turkey . I want will live there in my own city. I know there many people. I have relatives etc. I no problem would get with the adaptation if I live there.”
Another group expects correct, however, adaptation problems to get in case of definite return. About this someone sees following on: “The relations are very business in Turkey . If one no profit of you then one has not wanted contact also relations. There we are treated as aliens, everywhere, on the street, on the market and at the official agencies. We are commented as ‘Almanci’ (‘German’)”.
These stories make in any case clear that adaptation problems play certainly a role at answering the question if one wish return yes or no.
If we list these factors then appear that remigration is a complex question that many and difficult decisions ask. One must/wants know what the positive and negative consequences are of return. That is also the reason why the group which says now not yet know it, is this way large. They have not yet found a solution for this dilemma.
In practice many elderly commute still back and forth between Turkey and the Netherlands . To commute is a solution of the stress descending which results from the dilemma of to remain and return. At motivation to commute a number of reasons which is partly also already above to have called as the need contact with family members and desiring to the region of origin, is given. Moreover the landscape and the sun in Turkey are called as important aims. That is also the reason why the shuttle arse stays during the warm summer time in Turkey .
To commute seems a solution in some respects , but in some respects commutes brings with also problems with it. Thus many elderly have financial problems which result from a double household, one here and one there. Whereas those during six months in Turkey a household must leave turns, the charges continue simply in the Netherlands . They must their hiring and energy costing pay etc.
If they want remain longer than permitted gone, they run moreover risk them lose rights here built. He who AOW (benefit of sickness) has can nine months per year stay elsewhere. The one which a social assistance benefit have had against that available remain for the labour market. The need long-term in the country of origin stay is however also under the group older immigrants who have AOW still no, large. It frequently concerns people who have adaptation problems.
For this reason Turkish organisations put for to give them also the occasion each year nine months to return and to let expire to the application duty for this group on younger age. The expectation is that most of the elderly become eventually choose in the Netherlands to remain as their health too bad each time back and forth travel.
2.2. Dilemma between raising social prestige and delay social economic position
Old becomes in itself is a natural process is. There, however, large differences exist with regard to the position of the elderly in the more traditional and modern Western societies. Those differences result not only from culture of both societies, but also from the specific structures which there component of its.
In contrast to the modern society, one enjoys in the traditional communities more respect and authority as one parent becomes. If we look at to the meaning of old age in traditional Turkish culture this in the first agency have been linked with respect. Old people are considered as the transferors of knowledge and wisdom to the next generation. They are frequently consulted in difficult questions.
Moreover old people have authority. Them its head of the family and frequently has country and lives. They have large influence on all family decisions.
As a result of migration and acculturation there changes in the position of the Turkish elderly in the Netherlands arise. Those changes frequently lead to problems and dilemmas in social living. Of those dilemmas we can describe as a tension exist between the social prestige which one enjoys on the one hand and the delay social economic position of the elderly on the other side. Their high age provides the elderly respect and authority, whereas that same age leads to reverse gear in their social position and financial possibilities. The proposition “how older how poorer” seem certainly go up when we evaluate income position of the Turkish elderly.
From several studies becomes clear that income the foreign elderly is relatively low compared to that of the autochthon elderly. The research "Lives and incomes of the elderly" (O+S, 1997) in Amsterdam show also that to differ in average incomes for all type of households goes up at.
The first poverty monitor in 1996, reports that low incomes under foreign households are wide twice more often than under the autochthon households (14%). Also within foreign groups differences there are large between the immigrants from Western countries and those from non-western countries. Surinamers, Antilleans and Aruba ’s as well as Turks are counted to the immigrants from non-western countries. Of them approximately four incomes low of the ten persons had. Moroccans (49%) and people originating refugee countries (60%) had more often a low income then average under all non-western immigrants (SPC, 1999: 56)
The amount of income is stipulated in important degree by the source of incomes. Many people stop between their 55 and their 64 with work. They resign anticipated or received an early retirement benefit or arrive in the WAO (incapacity benefit). Almost all 65-plussers obtain their income from pension.
From a recent research of the Central Office of Statistics (CBS) comes forward that 64 per cent of the Turkish men in the age of 40 up to 65 years have income from the WAO (incapacity benefit), the WW (law unemployment) or assistance. At the Moroccans is that almost 62 per cent, at the autochthon Dutch almost 22 per cent.
Especially the number of incapable of workers under Turkish and Moroccan men proves be high. Under the Turks is that almost forty per cent and under Moroccans something more than thirty.
The tension between high social look of the Turkish elderly within its own community and the delay social economic situation leads to stress and socio-psychological problems. It has been confessed (Schellingerhout, 2004) that the Turkish, Moroccan and Surinamese elderly are much less positive concerning its own health: 20% or more find its own health bad. The judgements of the Turkish and Moroccan elderly are most negative.
The health situation of the Turkish and Moroccan elderly is very unfavourably as subjective health indicators is considered. Objective indicators show a much more favourable picture (Dagevos, 2001). Thus much more often ‘bad’ or ‘moderate’ medical condition then autochthon men report to older Moroccan men, but their chance to of dying is smaller (CBS, 2003), also if it is corrected for age. The worse health of the Surinamese elderly seems be supported more by objective indicators.
2.3. Dilemma between participation and isolation
As one parent becomes elderly, decreases the number of people in the direct surroundings. First children go out the house if they marry. Secondly; the farewell to take of work means also farewell takes of your colleagues. Finally, because the elderly are less mobile, they have frequently less or no more contacts with the social surroundings in broad sense.
The question is if that also applies to the Turkish elderly?
To map the social network of the Turkish elderly, we must distinguish between the primary contacts and secondary contacts. With the first contacts are meant with the family members and country - and region-enjoyed.
The network of the Turkish elderly exists from a triangle of house (family), mosque (belief-enjoyed) and association (country - and region-enjoyed) in the Netherlands .
Most of Turkish elderly have married and have living children. Moreover the Turkish elderly have strong links with their family members and compatriots.
From experience we know that the Turkish elderly frequently have contacts with its own organisations such as Turkish association and mosques. Especially the mosques play an important role in living the Turkish elderly. Mosque is not only a religious space, but also a social space for the elderly. Before and after the religious ceremony the elderly continue still even drink something and to talk with knowledge. Activities are sometimes also organised. These are frequently religious activities such as religious festivals, Koran course, readings etc.
We can define the secondary contacts in broad sense as contacts with the Dutch institutions and institutions. The poor knowledge of the Dutch language is an important obstacle for the Turkish elderly. This is also the declaration for which one has no contacts with the Dutch surroundings.
Another factor is that the Turks form a rather strong and closed community especially in small cities. People try regulating everything from this small world. Their daily horizon is more or less stipulated by this world. The impact of these community closed is paradoxical for the elderly. On the one hand their participation to the Dutch society is reduced by it; on the other hand they enjoy the feeling solidarity.
From my study into relations of the Turkish elderly becomes clear that the Turkish elderly come more and more in isolation so that they feel him solitary. Most of called the causes of loneliness are: as an alien excluded feel themselves, the absence of children and other family members in (direct and indirect) the surroundings, trouble, unemployment, lack of language knowledge and absence of activities which are aimed at the Turkish elderly.
A large part of the Turkish elderly (55-plussers) finds that they have to no possibilities their free spend time in a sensible manner. A lot of elderly mention they have no hobbies. Need for its own association is large under the elderly. They want a meeting point where the elderly can come at each other and all kinds of activities to organise. From the notes of the elderly at the inquiry becomes clear that such space three must core functions: meeting, social accompaniment (with emphasis on information and recommendation) and recreation.
2.4. Tension between care vision and care practice at look of home care
In several researches are mapped care questions and needs of the Turkish elderly. In the field of care the Turkish elderly faces with pair dilemmas. The first dilemma is the gap between traditional care vision and care practice in the field of home help as result of the changes in the family proportions and conceptions of the younger generations which under the influence of the Dutch society other types experience socialisation.
In Turkey doesn’t exist organised couple of professional supplies for elderly care. Only care houses come in only degree, mainly in large cities. Most of the houses have the more character of poor relief then of elderly care. These institutions are established and are managed by the central and local governments. To be able qualify be looked at to the degree of care need and degree of lack of home help. There are also here and there commercial care houses in Turkey . These institutions have been intended for the elderly who can purchase care.
The scope of elderly care has done partly with the development level and poor demographic ageing and partly with the availability of the form of elderly care what here ‘volunteer help’ are called. The extended family (aile) is the most important organisational entity for economic and social relations on Turkish country, where the most Turkish elderly come from. The aile exist from a closed system of affinity relations on the basis of a patriarchal hierarchy within which the members have been linked by consanguinity and marriage. The oldest members (grandfather and granny) stand to the head of the aile. The continuity of the aile is at issue. Hence that the marriage is not only a question of personal matter, but also a familial matter. For realising a marriage the collaboration of the family members is, particularly oldest family members, necessary. The future partner must be appropriate in the family, in every respect.
In this whole of relations within the aile the care of the elderly is considered as a duty of children. We also retrieve this vision in the Koran which has been very clearly reflected in the following verses: “ Put not with God other gods, or thou wilt sit despised and forsaken. Thy Lord has decreed that ye shall not serve other than Him; and kindness to one’s parents, whether one or both of them reach old age with thee; and say not to them, ‘Fie!’ and do not grumble at them, but speak to them a generous speech. And lower to them the wing of humility out of compassion, and say, ‘O Lord! have compassion on them as they brought me up when I was little!’ (Koran, 17: 23-24.)
From these verses generally two conclusions have been drawn. The first is that care has been based on the principle of reciprocity. The children must look their elderly such as they them large brought then they small were. The other conclusion is that elderly care a saint action because the elderly are called immediately after serving god. The children who do not ensure their elderly are looked down in traditional rings.
At the form of elderly care between yardım (help) and bakım (care) is distinguished. These terms are important get insight in the way the elderly are looked after by their children (Yerden, 2000: 40). Yardım mean organising aid at practical matter such as messages do, financial matter regulates or to translate. It has a temporary character. Bakım mean: ‘(total) responsibly for one's care carry. Bakım are given traditionally by the zoon and his wife (gelin). Someone who is no family can give no bakım.Bakım it has been divided in domestic care, food care and physical care.
Traditional role partitioning is not only hierarchical but also to sex-tied. The care is in the first agency task of the oldest zoon and daughter-in-law. If they are not able then just other children qualify for the care of their parents. The son-in-law has a distant relation with its parents-in-law. How more related, all the less distant. To physical care a son belongs look after its father, daughter for its mother. The relation between care donor and care recipient is especially complex at physical care, because decency feelings play here a role.
The Turkish elderly expect in principle that their children and family members for them will ensure when she could become needy. This care pattern was usual in the country of origin and this way think many there here too concerning. Although most of Turkish the elderly care see a family occasion it is remarkable that more and more the elderly in Europe these as a task of family and professional institutions to find. It is clear that care conception of the elderly not only stipulated by traditional ideas, but also by the migration history and the degree of integration of themselves and their children in the Dutch society.
Given the changing circumstances in the West the elderly think realistically with their future expectations concerning care of themselves. Of who expect they aid and care if them soon parent becomes in the Netherlands . The elderly count mainly on their partner and afterwards come professional institutions. The children are to a lesser degree called.
The convictions which the children will ensure really them, the elderly are frequently drawn in doubt. For this a large number of factors as a result of which they have doubt in this expectation, is called. The first factor that home help difficult makes the fact is that the children in the Netherlands must frequently work. In Turkey you have on country always someone of the large family which does not work outside and helps for older people. In the Netherlands this case is not. It is, as it happens, this way that the extended family has been divided in core families as a result of migration to Europe .
Another additional factor is that not all children could migrate within the framework of family reunification. Thus is best possible that but some Turkish elderly have no children in the Netherlands . The large distance makes home help impossible.
Beside these binding objective factors also cultural factors are called. In the Netherlands growing generation has another mentality under the influence of the Dutch society and culture. According to most of the elderly the members of new generation have been individualistically oriented and alienate of their “own culture”. With the “own culture” the elderly meant the traditional culture of themselves. It is a culture where the elderly are at issue in social living. In that culture one enjoys respect and authority as one parent becomes.
The ‘emancipation of the woman’, we also bring under the cultural factors. The elderly think that the working women do not want their parents in law look after, not only because they are not possible also because they think differently concerning the care of the elderly. In this respect the word ‘elin kizi’ frequently fall for the daughters-in-law. It means literally: ‘strange daughter’. This is a daughter-in-law who does not come from the family. Because of this she will not stipulate a task in it is able take. It is a fact that children will marry more and more with girls who do not belong to the family - and region as a result of migration and in contact with people from other regions.
On the basis of these arguments of the elderly we can conclude that the traditional form of home care in the Netherlands under busy state and will work not effectively such as that on country in Turkey.
2.5. Gap between care supply and care demand
The second dilemma is the gap between care supply and care demand. The relation between demand of the foreign elderly and the supply in the care sector can be described as a vicious circle of reciprocal unfamiliarity? The elderly do not appeal at this moment almost at supplies because they do not know that and institutions have no offer for the foreign elderly because that do not appeal to these supplies.
In the course of time a relatively large number of supplies, has been aimed at the elderly has developed, in the Netherlands . He who of these supplies wants use, must, however, know that they are there. In general it has been confessed commonly that the foreign elderly little are informed not at all or of these supplies, let stand that they want use. From the research data which in the Report minorities 1998 ( Rapportage minderheden 1998 ) have been brought at each other, comes a something more balanced picture forward.
The intramural care has been confessed commonly under the elderly from the minorities. The attitude with respect to prerecording in a care - or nursing house is generally negative. The elderly from the minorities do not differ however probable from the autochthon elderly, they it that the aims sometimes differently can be. At the elderly from the minorities intramural care beside the loss of independence and freedom, is frequently also still considered not come up to the mark as of the care children and other family members. Prerecording in a care house can become to experience as a shame, something that is loaded with decency. The knowledge of extramural supplies varies between distinguishes origin groupings. Supplies such as meal supply, alarm system and district care for the elderly are at the Turkish and Moroccan elderly generally unknown. To a lesser degree also applies this to the home care. The Surinamese and Antillean elderly are informed generally improve of the offer to extramural supplies.
As a consequence of their unfavourable social position they have frequently do with government agencies and institutions in the environment of the social security. Including as a result of reciprocal incomprehension they seek thereby in many cases external support, firstly at their children and knowledge and then at aid agencies. The social work Turks are involved most for filling in forms, concerning health problems and at problems with the benefit and housing.
Use of care supplies is not only make with yes or no know of these supplies. Moreover also the scope and degree of care need play. As above it is observed that caretakers the elderly under Turkish population are still small.
Finally must mentioned become that the Turkish elderly have a found oneself and negative picture with respect to intramural supplies. Care houses and nursing houses are considered as an institution with a tight regime. Moreover it is put outgoing of the country of origin that these houses are intended for poor and pitiful people. If it concerns prerecording in the house (and possibly in nursing house) play cultural and religious background an important role. The prerecording in the hospital becomes by the elderly experiences as a temporary medical relief and becomes not compared to structural aid and care. The specific needs and wishes which are formulated by the Turkish elderly with respect to intramural care are listed below as follows:
Communication
As one of the important sticking points the language barrier is called. The first generation elderly has usually poor Dutch. As one parent becomes elderly and isolated state goes with respect to the Dutch society their knowledge of Dutch reverse.
For the solution of the language and communication the elderly present themselves proposal two solutions. First they want a type intermediator who comes talk regularly with the Turkish group in Dutch. There is not only spoken concerning daily pace of matter but also concerning the subjects which are important for the elderly. Another solution which Turkish staffs is adopted. This is not only in the interest of the Turkish customers, but also in the interest of the Dutch staff members. Beside action as an interpreter they fulfil the function of “question barge” for both the occupants and the Dutch colleagues.
“Halal food”
A second sticking point is meal supplies following Turkish-Islamic habits and regulations. Islam knows a number of rules and regulations at the preparation of food. Food which is prohibited or according to the concerning regulations is prepared, ‘haram’ are called in Islamic life consideration. What is not prohibited and is prepared according to the regulations, ‘halal’ (have been permitted) food. The important Islamic food rules are inferred directly from the Koran. It has been prohibited the Moslems pig flesh, blood and flesh of perished animals (Koran, 2:.173 and 16: 115). The alcoholic spirits for consumption have been also prohibited in the Koran (Koran, 5: 90). Furthermore a separate kitchen with a Moslem cook is considered such as the desirable elderly. To what extent is a separate kitchen in practice possibly not only hangs that of the available space of the home but also of financial resources.
Prayer room
Persons become more religiously in the Turkish culture surroundings as one elderly becomes. They extra sensitively for example daily have been prayed perform. In Islam only Friday afternoon speech must be carried out jointly. Daily prayed Moslems can do individually at home. But in practice is this way that the elderly will offer more often to mosque jointly under accompaniment of an imam (mental leader). In case of prerecording and health reasons is that impossible, if not; not practical. For this reason be able function a room of worship a requirement is in house. A room of worship is very simple arranged: a chamber with a carpet on the ground and a wash-hand basin for ritual ablution. For the institution is nevertheless desirable take contact with a mosque organisation and imam.
A common room of worship is also conceivable at general institutions. The academic hospital Utrecht (AZU) has for example a common room of worship for several religious groups. A large space has three angles and every angle has been put available for a religious group. Thereby Christians, Moslems and Buddhists can offer in a space. They are separate, but at the same time together.
Mental care
The Moslems seems in theory on Protestants. They are not in principle dependent on a mental leader. But Moslem seems in practice on Catholics. They are not possible without mental leader. That applies particularly to first generation Moslems who little has knowledge of Islam. The mental attendant has not been prayer not only necessary for jointly in case of is possible to mosque, but also to talk concerning religious questions and to offer moral support to the elderly. Although Islamic mental care becomes here and there is regulated appointing a mental attendant not always and not everywhere possible. The practical solution is that the intramural institutions get contact with the mosque and try them jointly find a solution. It is best possible that imam a time per week goes to care house for in the needs with the Moslem elderly provide. The older women want rather female mental nurse who at a certain time in the week or month come talk with them and readings to keep. They find female mental nurse easy concerning everything and still what talk to be able.
Physical care
Physically care is a sensitive subject at the foreign elderly. That also applies to the Moslem elderly. The traditional approach of Islam has a strict separation between has sex. The separation of the function has to have sex protect the privately life on the one hand and Islamic decency rules between to have sex to maintain on the other side. This rule is nowadays not always applied and everywhere. In the public spaces women can and men without more at each other coming, talks, and work meets, because there the relations have an open character by the presence of third parties. The separation of the have sex has to consequences for the physical care, however. It the rule that women has been looked after by women, men by men. During group conversations women to that, however, important for them are and must the staff members give this rule take into account this rule. Men attach a less importance to this rule, especially during old age.
Leisure activities
The day classification of the Moslem elderly can lie in some respects differently than those of the Dutch elderly. The day classification of a practising Moslem is stipulated in important degree by daily prayed. Especially during Ramadan month (fast month) the day classification lies very differently. There becomes by the sun rise have breakfast and is demolished after the sun perdition fast. The complete day nothing is eaten and is drunk. Fasten is not obliges for sick and extreme older people who are fast medically not able. It is not astonishing that Moslems have holidays on other epoch then which of the official free days. Moslems have two important holidays: at the end of the month of Ramadan is celebrated and a time per year is brought sacrifice and offering is celebrated. Further Moslems have a number of religious particular days and nights.
During group conversations the Turkish elderly several present forward brought their free days in an useful manner have been possible spend. Below are the presented activities and facilities which can deviate sometimes from the present offer:
In my researches I have spoken with the elderly concerning the way the care in the Netherlands is organised and is granted to the elderly. In general the Turkish elderly thinks in the last resort to use of intramural supplies. They want as much as possible function in own house and surroundings independently. In this respect the home care seems important supplies that wish to independent lives as much as possible to postpone. Therefore they find facilities of home care which is aimed at house situation very important. When it is not possible then they think just them of prerecording in care house.
Another discussion point was the basis of the care houses. In general it commonly has the Turkish elderly preference for a care house on general signature. But that is a choice the order established within. In the inquiry we have presented several choices to the elderly to get a better insight in their choice pattern. In principle four different possibilities are ordered and are asked these put possibilities in a preference order.
Most of Turkish elderly has preference for an Islamic care house. The second preference lies on a care with a special department for the Turkish elderly. A Dutch home where with the specific needs and wishes become is taken into account the third preference. The last preference is a white house with a white care offer.
How can we interpret these data? It is clear that the Turkish elderly want ‘separately’ take place in the Dutch care world. That has not only done with their poor orientation and integration process in the Dutch society. But that has done also with yes or no realises of their specific needs and wishes within the white institutions. They probably think that this specific package of needs and wishes is within white institutions not feasible.
Within the given situation the third preference seems a minimum consensus between the Turkish elderly on the one hand and the intramural care institutions on the other side. As long as the Turkish elderly no other possibilities (especially first and second preference) they will take pleasure with this solution.
3. Conclusion
The Turkish elderly do not use almost of current care supplies. Unfamiliarity with these supplies seems play a role. That does not apply to all supplies. The Turkish elderly have been confessed badly with supplies alarm system, day relief and elderly gym. Reputation and use under the Turkish and Moroccan elderly of the general social work and legal advice are much larger than for other supplies, which indicate that these groups can the Dutch institutions find when they have that necessary.
With respect to intramural care other factors play a role. By traditional care vision and unsuited supply offer the elderly sit in a vicious circle . This vicious circle is possible break through become by means of intercultural programmes. Within the framework of intercultural policy three activities must be carried out: information, research and adaptation of supply offer. Furthermore institutions must quench to learn from the projects so far applied.
© 2005- T.C. Başbakanlık Özürlüler İdaresi - Bilgi İşlem Dairesi Başkanlığı